Bersatu

Founded: 7 September 2016 (per Wikipedia / ROS records) by Muhyiddin Yassin (lead applicant, application 10 Aug 2016) and Mahathir Mohamad, with Mukhriz Mahathir, Hamzah Zainudin and Syed Saddiq among the early leadership. Original purpose: provide a "clean" Malay-nationalist alternative to UMNO during the 1MDB scandal era.

Status (2026): Second-largest opposition party (31/222 federal seats). Leader of Perikatan Nasional with PAS. Engaged in ongoing court battles over Jana Wibawa procurement programme.

Power Period: - 2018-2020: Coalition partner in Pakatan Harapan; PM Mahathir - March 2020 - August 2021: Muhyiddin as PM in PN-led government (17 months) - August 2021 - November 2022: Coalition partner with UMNO-led Ismail Sabri PN government - November 2022+: Opposition

Membership Claim: ~400,000. Smaller and younger than UMNO. Heavy reliance on professional middle-class Malays and ex-UMNO defectors.

Key Distinguishing Features: - Bumiputera-only full membership (constitutional restriction) - Non-Bumiputeras admitted as Associate Members (no voting rights) - Bersatu produced 8th PM (Muhyiddin) - Multiple high-profile defections in both directions - Subject of complex anti-hopping law disputes - Strong Muhyiddin personality cult; little institutional depth

Headquarters: Bangunan Bersatu, Petaling Jaya, Selangor.

Symbol: Stylised harimau (tiger), represents Malay fighting spirit.

Colours: Red, white, blue.

Slogan: "Bersih, Cekap, Amanah" (Clean, Efficient, Trustworthy), adopted from UMNO's historic motto.

Specific positions: - Continued Bumiputera quotas in higher education (matriculation, scholarships) - Public sector Bumiputera preference - 30% Bumiputera ownership target for IPOs (often waived) - Mara financing for SMEs - ASB/ASN Bumiputera-only investment vehicles - Native customary rights (NCR) recognition (especially Sabah/Sarawak)

However, Bersatu's own track record on these issues has been mixed: - Jana Wibawa procurement case challenged the "cleaner" image - Some Bersatu leaders accumulated investigation files - The party recruited many ex-UMNO figures during PN coalition era

Secretary-General: Hamzah Zainudin (concurrent with DP role)

Information Chief: Razali Idris

Federal Parliamentary Seats (Bersatu)

Bersatu is a young party, only two general elections.

Anti-Hopping Defections (Effective Seat Reduction)

After GE15, six Bersatu MPs declared "support" for the unity government without formally resigning Bersatu. Cases:

Federal Court rulings (multiple cases 2023-2024): - MPs may remain in office while declaring unity government support - Only formal resignation or expulsion triggers seat vacancy - This effectively reduced Bersatu's opposition voting strength to ~25 seats

State Election Performance (2023, 6 states simultaneously)

State Government Position (2026)

Bersatu does not currently lead any state government. Constituent state-level role: - Kedah: Coalition partner under PAS-led PN government - Terengganu: PAS-dominated; Bersatu minor partner - Perak: Some state seats but minor - Johor: Some seats; UMNO-dominated state

Sabah Bersatu (Separate Entity)

Bersatu also operates in Sabah but with different state-level dynamics. Sabah Bersatu has been involved in Sabah state government and state seat dynamics, including former Chief Minister Hajiji Noor (who governed Sabah until 2025).

Coalition Role (PN)

Bersatu leads Perikatan Nasional (74 federal seats: PAS 43, Bersatu 31, Gerakan 0). Muhyiddin is PN chairman.

Power Asymmetry within PN

PAS has more seats (43 vs Bersatu 31) but Bersatu provides: - A non-clerical, modern political face - Multi-ethnic Borneo connections - Federal cabinet experience (from 2020-22 period) - Muhyiddin as PM-aspirant figurehead

The asymmetry creates ongoing negotiations: PAS wants to lead but recognises Muhyiddin has more cross-ethnic appeal.

Federal Cabinet Experience (March 2020 - August 2022)

Bersatu held key portfolios during PN federal governments: - Prime Minister (Muhyiddin) - Deputy PM (multiple, including Wan Junaidi Jaafar, though he was Sarawak GPS) - Home (Hamzah Zainudin) - Education (Radzi Jidin, Mohd Radzi Md Jidin) - Sports (Ahmad Faizal Azumu) - Health (Khairy Jamaluddin, UMNO but worked closely with Bersatu structure) - Numerous deputy ministerial positions

Internal Tensions

Court Cases: Muhyiddin's Jana Wibawa case remains an existential threat. Re-investigation has been announced; potential charges. Other Bersatu figures (Radzi Jidin, Ahmad Faizal Azumu) have faced parallel inquiries.

Anti-Hopping Disputes: Six MPs effectively defected without resigning. This created factional confusion about who really represents Bersatu.

Mahathir Loss: Without Mahathir's institutional weight (he died April 2024), Bersatu lost a key elder voice. The party has not developed equivalent figures.

Generational Succession: Muhyiddin (79 in 2026) will need to step back eventually. Hamzah Zainudin (69) is the most obvious successor but lacks Muhyiddin's public profile. Younger leaders are limited.

Strategic Positions

For GE16 (must be held by November 2027): - Best case: Bersatu+PAS PN sweeps northern peninsular; 100+ seats total; forms government - Realistic case: PN holds 80-90 seats; hung parliament; coalition negotiations - Worst case: 60-70 seats; opposition continues; Bersatu may fragment if Muhyiddin retires

The Setting

The "Sheraton Move" takes its name from the Sheraton Hotel, Petaling Jaya (Jalan Utara, PJ) where a now-famous dinner gathering of Bersatu, PAS, UMNO and PKR-faction MPs was held on the evening of 23 February 2020. Some accounts also place key meetings at adjacent venues (One World Hotel) earlier the same weekend; the Sheraton label has stuck because the photographed gathering was there.

The 17-Month Government (1 March 2020 - 16 August 2021)

Key inflection points: - 9 March 2020: Full Muhyiddin cabinet announced, no DPM (replaced by four senior ministers acting in rotation: Azmin Ali, Fadillah Yusof, Ismail Sabri, Hishammuddin Hussein); Hamzah Zainudin Home Minister; Mohd Radzi Md Jidin Education; Khairy Jamaluddin Science/Health - 18 March 2020: First Movement Control Order (MCO 1.0) begins, nationwide lockdown, only essential services; PDRM and ATM deployed at roadblocks - 27 March 2020: PRIHATIN economic package announced, RM250 billion headline (~RM25b direct fiscal); Bantuan Prihatin Nasional (BPN) cash transfers to B40/M40 - 5 June 2020: PENJANA short-term economic recovery plan, RM35 billion - 23 September 2020: PERMAI assistance package - 6 November 2020: Budget 2021 passes Dewan Rakyat 111-108, narrowest budget margin in modern Malaysian history; signals Muhyiddin majority fraying - 12 January 2021: Yang di-Pertuan Agong proclaims Emergency under Article 150 of Federal Constitution, suspending Parliament until 1 August 2021; Emergency Ordinances issued (fake news ordinance later revoked) - 24 February 2021: National Covid-19 Immunisation Programme (PICK) launched with Khairy Jamaluddin as coordinator; Sinovac and Pfizer doses - 17 March 2021: PEMERKASA package RM20 billion - 28 May 2021: PEMERKASA Plus RM40 billion - 28 June 2021: PEMULIH package RM150 billion as Delta wave hits - mid-July 2021: UMNO Supreme Council meeting; faction led by Ahmad Zahid Hamidi pushes withdrawal of support - 8 July 2021: Hishammuddin Hussein, Annuar Musa and other "Stability MPs" (UMNO) publicly back Muhyiddin against Zahid line, UMNO split openly - 26 July 2021: De facto Law Minister Takiyuddin Hassan announces in Dewan Rakyat that Emergency Ordinances have been revoked; palace statement next day says revocation not yet consented to by Agong, a serious constitutional embarrassment - 1 August 2021: Emergency ends; Parliament returns briefly - 4 August 2021: Ahmad Zahid Hamidi formally announces UMNO withdraws support from Muhyiddin - 13 August 2021: Muhyiddin offers bipartisan reform package to opposition (anti-hopping law, equal MP allocations, IGC reforms, no snap election before July 2022) in exchange for confidence-and-supply, rejected by PH - 16 August 2021: Muhyiddin officially resigns as Prime Minister after losing majority; remains caretaker - 19-20 August 2021: Ismail Sabri Yaakob (UMNO VP) nominated/announced as 9th PM (nominated 19 Aug per Wikipedia; commonly summarised as appointed 20 Aug), compromise pick acceptable to Bersatu - 21 August 2021: Ismail Sabri formally sworn in at Istana Negara; Bersatu becomes coalition partner with reduced cabinet share (Hamzah retains Home; Muhyiddin out of cabinet but named National Recovery Council Chairman)

Charge Date and Court

On 10 March 2023, Muhyiddin Yassin was charged at the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court (case later elevated to KL High Court) with six criminal counts arising from the Jana Wibawa infrastructure programme. He pleaded not guilty.

The Amount

Approximately RM232.5 million alleged to have been received by Bersatu accounts or controlled by Muhyiddin from contractors awarded Jana Wibawa work. (The broader Jana Wibawa programme value cited is ~RM600 million to RM7 billion depending on scope definition, Bersatu disputes the larger figures as misleading because most relates to legitimate contracts.)

The Programme

"Jana Wibawa" was an infrastructure-procurement stream launched in 2021 during Muhyiddin's PN government, ostensibly to revive the economy after Covid (under the Penjana / PEMERKASA recovery packages). Bumiputera contractors were targeted as beneficiaries. MACC alleges some contracts were directed in exchange for political contributions to Bersatu.

Defence Position

Muhyiddin and Bersatu publicly characterise the prosecution as political persecution by the Anwar-led unity government: - They note charges were filed only after PH-BN took power - They argue Bersatu accounts were properly used for legitimate party operations - They contrast their treatment with the simultaneous DNAA granted to UMNO's Ahmad Zahid Hamidi (Yayasan Akalbudi case, 4 September 2023), calling the pattern selective - They invoke a "1MDB whataboutism" argument: Najib Razak was convicted but other actors escaped

Prosecution Position

The AGC and MACC argue: - Standard process applies regardless of political timing - Evidence trails through bank accounts, contractor statements, and corporate filings substantiate the charges - DNAA was a procedural pause, not an exoneration

Wider Context, Other Bersatu Figures

Parallel inquiries (status varies) have touched: - Hamzah Zainudin, questioned over Bersatu accounts (no charges filed) - Ahmad Faizal Azumu, separate inquiries - Radzi Jidin, peripheral references

Political Consequences

• The case has become a rallying point for PN supporters, who view Muhyiddin as a martyr
• Used in fundraising appeals
• Damages Bersatu's original "Bersih, Cekap, Amanah" branding
• Creates succession uncertainty: if Muhyiddin is convicted and disqualified (Article 48(1)(e) of Federal Constitution disqualifies persons convicted with fine ≥RM2,000 or imprisonment ≥1 year), Hamzah Zainudin would become party leader
• A conviction before GE16 (must be held by November 2027) would substantially change PN's PM-aspirant calculus

Hedge: Some specifics in this section (e.g., exact judge name, exact bail amount, current proceeding status) shift with news cycles, confirm against current Malaysiakini / The Edge / Bernama reporting before citation.

Bersatu Federal Parliamentary Seats, Historical Table

Notes on the GE15 25 vs 31 Discrepancy

Different tallies exist for Bersatu's GE15 result: - 25 seats, strict count of MPs who contested under Bersatu logo and won - 31 seats, broader count that includes some PN allies sometimes attributed to Bersatu in coalition-level reporting - The official SPR (Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya / Election Commission) tally is authoritative; verify before citation

Hedge: All seat counts above approximate; the SPR is the authoritative source. Coalition-level reporting (Bernama, Malaysiakini) sometimes attributes seats differently from party-level reporting.

Seat-by-Seat Notable Bersatu Wins/Losses at GE15 (selected)

Wins (held or gained): - Pagoh (Johor), Muhyiddin Yassin (majority ~14,000); core stronghold - Larut (Perak), Hamzah Zainudin (majority strong); Hamzah's political base - Tasek Gelugor (Penang), Wan Saiful Wan Jan (gain from BN); urban-Malay seat - Sik (Kedah), Norhilmi Mohd Fadli (later one of the 6 unity-govt declarers) - Bukit Gantang (Perak), Zulkifli Ismail (also later unity-govt declarer) - Kuala Kangsar (Perak), Iskandar Dzulkarnain (also later unity-govt declarer) - Labuan, Suhaili Abdul Rahman (Sabah / FT; later unity-govt declarer) - Sepanggar (Sabah), Mohd Azis Jamman (later unity-govt declarer)

Notable Losses: - Gombak (Selangor), Mohamed Azmin Ali LOST to Amirudin Shari (PH-PKR). Margin reportedly ~10,000+. Ended Azmin's frontline career. - Tambun (Perak), Ahmad Faizal Azumu LOST to Anwar Ibrahim. High-profile defeat as Anwar made his comeback. - Various mixed seats in Selangor and Penang, Bersatu candidates lost to PH-DAP in non-Malay-majority areas.

Hedge: Margins cited are approximate per SPR; exact figures vary by source. The unity-govt declarers (6 MPs listed) created factional confusion but did not formally trigger by-elections under prevailing Federal Court interpretation of anti-hopping law.

GE15, 19 November 2022 (Federal)

Bersatu contested as the lead Peninsular component of Perikatan Nasional. Approximate results (per SPR; verify before citation):

• Bersatu: 25 federal seats out of 222 (some tallies say 31 including PN-allied wins)
• PAS: 43 seats, the largest PN component by MP count
• Gerakan: 0 seats
• PN total: 74 federal seats
• Voter turnout: ~74% nationwide

Key Bersatu candidate outcomes: - Muhyiddin Yassin, contested Pagoh, Johor; held; majority approximately 14,000 votes against BN and PH challengers - Hamzah Zainudin, contested Larut, Perak; held; strong majority - Wan Saiful Wan Jan, won Tasek Gelugor, Penang (gain from BN/PH) - Azmin Ali, contested Gombak, Selangor; LOST to Amirudin Shari (PH-PKR, then Selangor MB). Margin reportedly ~10,000+; Azmin's defeat effectively ended his frontline federal career - Syed Saddiq (then with MUDA, formerly Bersatu), held Muar in 4-corner fight

Aug 2023 Six-State Elections, 12 August 2023

Six state legislatures (DUN) went to the polls simultaneously: Kedah, Penang, Selangor, Kelantan, Terengganu, Negeri Sembilan. PN swept the three northern Malay-belt states; PH-BN held the three southern/west-coast states. Approximate Bersatu state-assembly seat counts (per SPR; hedge, figures approximate, verify against official SPR results):

Total approximate Bersatu state assemblymen post-Aug 2023: ~50-55 across the six states (approximately, per SPR; counts depend on classification of PN-allied seats).

Hedge: All seat counts approximate. SPR official results are authoritative; this guide compiles widely-reported figures but exact numbers may differ by 1-3 seats per state depending on source.

State-Level Cabinet Positions Held by Bersatu Post-Aug 2023

• Kedah: PAS MB Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor leads; Bersatu holds several state EXCO portfolios (approximately 2-3 of ~10), reportedly including local-government and infrastructure-adjacent roles. Verify against Kedah state cabinet announcement.
• Terengganu: PAS MB Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar leads; Bersatu holds 1-2 EXCO seats, generally junior portfolios.
• Kelantan: PAS MB Mohd Nassuruddin Daud (took over 2023 from Ahmad Yakob); Bersatu presence minimal at EXCO level given small caucus.
• Penang, Selangor, NS: PH-BN states; Bersatu in opposition at state level; no EXCO posts.

Strategic Lessons from Aug 2023 for Bersatu

1. Malay-belt floor is real but capped, Kelantan/Terengganu/Kedah delivered for PN, but additional Malay-belt expansion would need to come from Pahang, Perak, southern Johor seats, none of which were on the Aug 2023 ballot.
2. Mixed-state ceiling, Penang, Selangor, NS demonstrated PN cannot win states where non-Malay voters exceed ~30% without significant cross-ethnic strategy shift.
3. PAS-Bersatu allocation friction, public reporting suggested Bersatu was unhappy with seat allocations in mixed seats (e.g., parts of Selangor where Bersatu felt it had stronger local candidates than allocated PAS contestants).
4. Sabah comparison, Bersatu's separate Sabah trajectory (state elections 2020 and Sabah state government under Hajiji until 2025) operates on different ethnic and regional logic; not directly transferable.

By-Elections Since GE15 (Bersatu Relevance)

A handful of federal and state by-elections have occurred since GE15. Bersatu/PN performance: - Kuala Kubu Baharu (Selangor) by-election, 11 May 2024, triggered by death of PH-DAP's Lee Kee Hiou. PN nominated Khairul Azhari Saut (Bersatu). PH-DAP Pang Sock Tao won; Bersatu lost. Margin reportedly ~3,800. - Sungai Bakap (Penang) state by-election, 6 July 2024, PN/PAS won (PAS-allocated seat); Bersatu peripheral. - Mahkota (Johor) state by-election, 28 September 2024, BN-UMNO won; PN/Bersatu lost. - General pattern: Bersatu has not made gains in by-elections post-GE15. The Malay-vote consolidation has shifted in subtle ways but not in Bersatu's favour against unity-government candidates.

Hedge: State election calendars depend on when DUNs are dissolved by respective rulers / governors; nominal 5-year terms but actual dissolution timing varies.

Bersatu's leadership is dominated by a small group of personalities forged during the Sheraton Move period. Factional lines are less ideological than personal-network based.

Factional Lines (Approximate)

1. Muhyiddin Loyalists, core founding group, Johor-Pahang networks. Includes Muhyiddin himself, parts of Pemuda Bersatu.
2. Hamzah-UMNO-Origin Faction, former UMNO MPs who crossed over; closer to UMNO grassroots culture. Hamzah is figurehead; Radzi Jidin, Faizal Azumu broadly aligned.
3. Azmin Faction, ex-PKR Sheraton defectors. Mohamed Azmin Ali, Saifuddin Abdullah (former Foreign Minister, now Bersatu), Zuraida Kamaruddin (formerly Bersatu, deceased March 2024). Influence has waned post-Azmin's Gombak loss.
4. Sabah Bersatu, Ronald Kiandee, Hajiji Noor (former Sabah CM until 2025), distinct state-level dynamics.
5. Reform / Liberal-leaning, Wan Saiful Wan Jan most prominent; small but vocal.

Succession Question

Muhyiddin (79 in 2026) cannot lead indefinitely. Hamzah Zainudin (69) is heir-presumptive but lacks Muhyiddin's cross-coalition appeal. No obvious next-generation figure has emerged with both grassroots support and federal-cabinet experience. If Muhyiddin is convicted in Jana Wibawa proceedings and disqualified (Article 48(1)(e) Federal Constitution), Hamzah would assume leadership but the transition could trigger fragmentation, especially among Azmin and Sabah factions.

Hedge: Internal factional alignments shift; titles and roles are accurate as of mid-2026 reporting but may have changed. Birthdate for Hamzah Zainudin is given as 12 March 1957 on Wikipedia; secondary sources sometimes list 17 January 1957 or 17 April 1957.

Cross-Faction Friction Points (Reported)

• Hamzah vs Azmin, Hamzah's ex-UMNO network reportedly views Azmin's ex-PKR group as opportunists. Friction surfaces over seat allocations for GE16, both factions want preferred constituencies in Perak-Selangor border seats.
• Muhyiddin loyalists vs Sabah Bersatu, Sabah chapter has at times operated semi-autonomously. Hajiji Noor's Sabah government (until 2025) made deals with non-PN partners (GPS, Warisan adjacent) that peninsular Bersatu did not always endorse.
• Wan Saiful vs mainstream, Wan Saiful's liberal-economy framing (lower subsidies, market-led growth) sits uncomfortably with the party's Bumiputera-statist majority. He has reportedly been sidelined on economic policy briefings.
• Pemuda vs senior leaders, Pemuda Bersatu under Wan Ahmad Fayhsal has pushed for faster generational handover; senior leaders resist.

Money and Patronage Reported Allegations

The Jana Wibawa case (covered in dedicated section) alleges Bersatu received approximately RM232.5 million via contractor channels. Beyond Jana Wibawa, MACC has reportedly examined other Bersatu account flows, no formal charges against Hamzah, Faizal Azumu, or Radzi Jidin as of mid-2026, but inquiries are open. Bersatu has publicly characterised all such inquiries as politically motivated.

Defection Flows In and Out (2016-2026)

Bersatu has been one of the most defection-heavy parties in modern Malaysian politics.

Into Bersatu (selected): - 2016-2018: Founding members defected from UMNO (Muhyiddin, Hamzah, Mukhriz) - February 2020 (Sheraton): Mohamed Azmin Ali + 10 PKR MPs (Zuraida Kamaruddin, Saifuddin Abdullah, etc.) - 2020-2021: Selected UMNO MPs crossed to Bersatu informally during PN government

Out of Bersatu (selected): - 28 May 2020: Mahathir, Mukhriz Mahathir, Maszlee Malik, Syed Saddiq, Amiruddin Hamzah, expelled, formed Pejuang/MUDA - 2022-2023: Six MPs declared unity-government support (effective defection without formal resignation): Mohd Azis Jamman (Sepanggar), Iskandar Dzulkarnain Abdul Khalid (Kuala Kangsar), Suhaili Abdul Rahman (Labuan), Zulkifli Ismail (Bukit Gantang), Norhilmi Mohd Fadli (Sik), Syed Abu Hussin (Bukit Gantang area) - March 2024: Zuraida Kamaruddin passed away (cancer); was originally PKR → Bersatu via Sheraton

Net Effect on Bersatu Identity

The constant flux undermines institutional coherence. Unlike UMNO (founded 1946) with deep grassroots structure, or PAS (founded 1951) with ulama-led continuity, Bersatu (founded 2016) relies heavily on personality networks. The 10-year mark in 2026 finds the party still defined primarily by Muhyiddin and Hamzah personally, with limited succession depth.

Pre-Formation Period (Feb - Aug 2020)

In the immediate aftermath of the Sheraton Move (23-24 February 2020) and Muhyiddin's swearing-in as 8th PM (1 March 2020), the governing bloc operated as an informal "Muafakat" arrangement among Bersatu, PAS, UMNO/BN, GPS, and Azmin's ex-PKR faction. There was no formally registered coalition entity. UMNO under Zahid Hamidi was uneasy with Bersatu primacy and resisted any formal "PN" registration that would lock UMNO into junior status.

Formal Registration, 7 August 2020

Perikatan Nasional was registered with the Registrar of Societies (ROS) on 7 August 2020 as a coalition of political parties. Founding components: - Bersatu (Muhyiddin Yassin, President; PN Chairman) - PAS (Abdul Hadi Awang, President) - STAR Sabah (Jeffrey Kitingan), later complicated by GRS realignment - SAPP Sabah, later - Gerakan joined formally in early 2021

UMNO did NOT join PN, UMNO remained in Barisan Nasional (BN) but cooperated case-by-case with Muhyiddin's federal government. This dual-track arrangement (BN and PN both backing the same PM) was a unique feature of the Muhyiddin era.

Coalition Re-registration, 11 March 2023

After GE15 (19 November 2022) and the unity-government swearing-in (24 November 2022), PN re-registered with ROS on 11 March 2023 reflecting its post-election composition: Bersatu, PAS, Gerakan as core; STAR and other Borneo parties in flux.

Seat-Allocation Formula (GE15 and Aug 2023 State Polls)

Internal PN formula (reported, not published): - PAS gets first pick in Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah (its heartland) - Bersatu gets first pick in Johor, Pahang, Selangor (where its candidate quality is stronger) - Joint negotiation in Perak, Penang, Negeri Sembilan, FT - Sabah handled separately by Sabah Bersatu and Sabah-PAS

Disputes have arisen repeatedly, especially in: - Selangor 2023 state poll (Bersatu wanted more state seats than PAS allocated) - Mahkota by-election September 2024 (BN candidate beat PN, coalition-allocation row) - Several Penang state seats in Aug 2023

Voting Discipline in Dewan Rakyat

PN MPs vote as a bloc on most issues. Key whipped votes since GE15: - Confidence in Anwar (Dec 2022): PN voted against (failed) - Budget 2023 (Feb 2023): PN voted against, passed by unity govt - Budget 2024 (Nov 2023): PN voted against, passed - Budget 2025 (Nov 2024): PN voted against, passed - Anti-hopping technical amendments: PN voted in favour of the 2022 baseline (it benefits opposition discipline) but against unity govt clarifying amendments

PN vs BN Tension Throughout

The most persistent friction is that UMNO/BN (now in unity govt) and PN draw on overlapping Malay-Muslim voter base. UMNO grassroots ("Akar Umbi") have leaned PN-curious; UMNO leadership under Zahid stays in unity govt. Bersatu hopes UMNO will fragment before GE16; UMNO hopes Bersatu will fragment first.

Sabah and Sarawak Dynamics

• Sarawak: GPS (Gabungan Parti Sarawak) is officially independent of both BN and PN; supports unity govt at federal level. Bersatu has minimal Sarawak presence.
• Sabah: GRS (Gabungan Rakyat Sabah), formed September 2020, includes Sabah Bersatu plus PBS, STAR, USNO, SAPP, LDP. Hajiji Noor (Sabah Bersatu) was Sabah Chief Minister 2020-2025. Hajiji's government cooperated with both PN federally and unity govt federally, a delicate balance. After 2025 Sabah state changes, the alignment shifted.

Hedge: PN internal arrangements are not always public; the structure described above synthesises reporting from Malaysiakini, The Edge, and Bernama from 2020-2025.

Bersatu has held state-level executive power in several states over its decade-long existence. This section catalogues each, including the brief stints often glossed over.

Kedah (2018-2020), Bersatu MB

• Mukhriz Mahathir (Bersatu) sworn in as 12th Menteri Besar of Kedah on 18 May 2018 following PH state win at GE14
• Mukhriz inherited a difficult fiscal position from previous BN administration; pursued Bumiputera-empowerment and rural infrastructure
• After Sheraton Move (Feb 2020), Bersatu state assemblymen split: some loyal to Mukhriz/Mahathir, others to Muhyiddin/PN
• 12 May 2020: Mukhriz tables motion of confidence in himself; loses majority as Bersatu (Muhyiddin faction) and PAS withdraw support
• 17 May 2020: Mukhriz resigns; Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor (PAS) sworn in same day as 14th MB of Kedah, first PAS MB of Kedah
• Bersatu since 2020 has been junior PN partner in Kedah, not lead

Kedah (2020-present), PAS MB / Bersatu coalition partner

• Sanusi Md Nor remains MB through Aug 2023 state polls; PN swept Kedah (33/36 DUN seats)
• Bersatu holds ~14-15 Kedah DUN seats and 2-3 state EXCO portfolios (junior portfolios; PAS keeps key ones)
• The "Bersatu coalition" framing in Kedah is technically accurate even though PAS leads, Bersatu is the second-largest PN component in the DUN

Perak (2018-2020), Bersatu MB

• Ahmad Faizal Azumu (Bersatu) sworn in as 12th Menteri Besar of Perak on 12 May 2018 despite PH not winning outright majority, PH cobbled together coalition with one PSM ADUN
• After Sheraton Move, Perak DUN realigned: PN (Bersatu + PAS) plus BN gained control
• 4 December 2020: Faizal loses confidence vote in Perak DUN (10-48); resigns
• 9 December 2020: Saarani Mohamad (UMNO) sworn in as 13th MB of Perak
• Perak is now BN-led; Bersatu in opposition at state level

Johor (2018-2019), Bersatu MB (very brief)

• Osman Sapian (Bersatu) sworn in as Menteri Besar of Johor on 12 May 2018
• Resigned 8 April 2019 amid allegations of mismanagement and the Pasir Gudang chemical-dumping crisis (Sungai Kim Kim, March 2019)
• Replaced by Sahruddin Jamal (Bersatu), 14 April 2019
• Sahruddin removed February 2020 after Sheraton Move triggered Johor state collapse; Hasni Mohammad (UMNO) took over 28 February 2020
• After GE15 Johor state poll (March 2022), UMNO retained Johor; Onn Hafiz Ghazi became MB

Melaka (2018-2020), Bersatu DPM-equivalent

• Bersatu did not hold Melaka CM but participated in PH state govt under DAP-led arrangement
• Lost control after Sheraton; UMNO returned to Melaka power

Sabah (2020-2025), Sabah Bersatu CM via GRS

• Hajiji Noor (Sabah Bersatu) sworn in as 16th Chief Minister of Sabah on 29 September 2020 following Sabah snap election where GRS coalition won 38/73 DUN seats
• Hajiji governed through GRS rather than PN directly; Sabah Bersatu operates somewhat autonomously from peninsular Bersatu
• Tensions with peninsular Bersatu surfaced periodically; Hajiji at one point hinted at leaving Bersatu but stayed
• Sabah state politics shifted in 2025; Sabah CM transitions and Sabah Bersatu's alignment with GRS continue to evolve (verify against latest reporting)

Perlis (2018-present), never Bersatu MB

• Perlis state government has been BN/UMNO-led continuously; PAS-led after 2022 with Mohd Shukri Ramli (PAS) as MB since December 2022
• Bersatu is junior PN partner with 1-2 Perlis state assemblymen
• Despite the small size, Perlis is considered safe PN territory for GE16

Kelantan and Terengganu, never Bersatu MB

• Both states are PAS-led; Bersatu has minimal state-level role (PAS captures the Malay-Muslim vote so completely that Bersatu cannot find seat space)
• Bersatu holds a handful of DUN seats but no EXCO posts of significance

State Government Summary (2026)

Bersatu in 2026 leads NO state government outright, a stark contrast to the 2018-2020 peak when Bersatu held Kedah, Perak, Johor MBs simultaneously plus federal PM. The decline of Bersatu state-level power is one of the clearest measures of the party's post-Sheraton trajectory.

Hedge: State arrangements shift frequently; this table reflects mid-2026 reporting and may have changed.

Constitutional Structure

Bersatu's party constitution (as amended through the 2022 General Assembly) establishes the following hierarchy:

1. Pengerusi Tertinggi (Supreme Chairman / Chairman), currently vacant; held by Mahathir 2016-2020
2. Presiden (President), Muhyiddin Yassin
3. Timbalan Presiden (Deputy President), Hamzah Zainudin
4. Naib Presiden (Vice-Presidents), currently 4: Radzi Jidin, Ahmad Faizal Azumu, Ronald Kiandee, Mohamed Azmin Ali
5. Setiausaha Agung (Secretary-General), Hamzah Zainudin (concurrent with DP)
6. Bendahari Agung (Treasurer-General), rotated
7. Ketua Penerangan (Information Chief), Razali Idris (some reports name Wan Saiful in this role; verify)
8. Majlis Pimpinan Tertinggi (Supreme Council / MPT), approximately 30 members including ex-officio

Supreme Council Composition (Approximate 2024-2026 Term)

The MPT is the highest decision-making body between General Assemblies. Approximate composition: - President, DP, 4 VPs, SG, Treasurer, Information Chief (ex-officio) - 12-15 elected MPT members from General Assembly - Pemuda chief, Wanita chief, Srikandi chief (women-youth wings) ex-officio - State liaison chairmen (one per state) ex-officio

Selected MPT members reported (2024-2026): - Wan Saiful Wan Jan (MP Tasek Gelugor) - Wan Ahmad Fayhsal Wan Ahmad Kamal (Pemuda chief) - Saifuddin Abdullah (ex-PKR) - Iskandar Dzulkarnain Abdul Khalid (later one of the unity-govt declarers, status disputed) - Mohd Radzi Md Jidin (Senator, former Education Minister) - Various Sabah Bersatu representatives

Wings (Sayap)

• Pemuda Bersatu (Youth, men under ~40): Chief Wan Ahmad Fayhsal
• Wanita Bersatu (Women): rotated leadership
• Srikandi (Young Women): smaller wing
• Bumiputera Sabah/Sarawak chapters: semi-autonomous

Membership Categories

Per party constitution: - Full Members (Ahli Biasa): must be Bumiputera (Malay or indigenous Sabah/Sarawak); voting rights at General Assembly - Associate Members (Ahli Bersekutu): non-Bumiputera; no voting rights; can hold no party office - Honorary Members (Ahli Kehormat): appointed by Supreme Council; ceremonial

This Bumiputera-only voting structure is constitutional and was a deliberate design choice to mirror UMNO's membership model.

General Assembly (Perhimpunan Agung) Cycle

Bersatu holds Perhimpunan Agung approximately every 3 years; office-bearers (President, DP, VPs, MPT) elected by delegates from state and division (cabang) representatives.

• 2017: First Perhimpunan Agung, Mahathir Chairman, Muhyiddin President uncontested
• 2020: Held during Muhyiddin's PM tenure
• 2022: Held post-Sheraton, post-expulsions
• 2024 (approximate): Most recent Perhimpunan Agung; Muhyiddin re-elected unopposed, Hamzah re-elected DP

Headquarters and Organisational Footprint

• HQ: Bangunan Bersatu, No. 8 Lorong Lebak Bukit Damansara, Damansara Heights / Petaling Jaya area
• State Liaison Offices: 13 states + 3 federal territories
• Division (Cabang) structure: aligned with parliamentary constituencies, approximately 165 divisions (down from peak 200+ pre-2020 defections)
• Branch (Ranting): ground-level units at polling-district scale

Membership Numbers (Reported)

• Founding (Sep 2016): claimed ~50,000 within first month (largely ex-UMNO defectors)
• 2018 (pre-GE14): claimed ~300,000
• 2020 (peak Muhyiddin era): claimed ~700,000
• 2022 (post-Mahathir expulsion): claimed ~400,000
• 2024-2026: claimed ~400,000, likely overstated; active members may be substantially lower

Membership claims by Malaysian political parties are notoriously inflated and not independently audited. Bersatu has no transparent membership register publicly available.

Funding

• Membership fees (modest, RM10-50 per year tier)
• Donations from individuals and corporates (subject to Election Commission and MACC disclosure rules, partially enforced)
• Government grants when in power (federal allocations to MPs that flowed to party machinery 2020-2022)
• The Jana Wibawa allegations (RM232.5 million) relate to alleged contractor-channelled funding to Bersatu accounts

Hedge: Party constitutions and roles change; figures and titles cited reflect mid-2026 reporting and may have shifted.

Hamzah Zainudin's tenure as Home Minister (Menteri Dalam Negeri / KDN) spans both the Muhyiddin government (1 March 2020 - 16 August 2021) and the Ismail Sabri government (21 August 2021 - 24 November 2022), approximately 32 months total, one of the longer Home Minister tenures in modern Malaysian history.

Appointment: Sworn in 10 March 2020 as part of Muhyiddin cabinet; retained by Ismail Sabri 30 August 2021.

Key Decisions and Controversies

End of Tenure

After GE15 (19 November 2022) and Anwar's swearing-in (24 November 2022), Hamzah was replaced as Home Minister by Saifuddin Nasution Ismail (PKR) in the unity government cabinet announced 3 December 2022. Hamzah moved to the opposition benches.

Hedge: Specific dates and operational details vary by source; this section synthesises reporting from Bernama, Malaysiakini, The Star, and KDN press releases.

The Law

Article 49A of the Federal Constitution (inserted by Constitution (Amendment) (No. 3) Act 2022, gazetted 16 September 2022, in force 5 October 2022) provides that an MP loses their seat if they: (a) resign from the political party they represented at election; (b) cease to be a member of that party; or (c) elected as independent and then join a political party.

Exemptions: (i) MP expelled by party (does not lose seat, anti-defection only triggers on the MP's voluntary action), (ii) party dissolution.

Why Bersatu Initially Supported It

Bersatu under Muhyiddin championed anti-hopping as part of his August 2021 bipartisan reform offer (rejected at the time but later passed under Ismail Sabri with PN-BN-PH all supporting). The political logic: after suffering defections out (Mahathir-Mukhriz-Syed Saddiq 2020) and defections in (Azmin-Zuraida 2020), Bersatu wanted to lock in the post-Sheraton structure.

The Unintended Consequence: Six Unity-Government Declarers

After GE15, six Bersatu MPs declared "support" for the Anwar unity government without formally resigning Bersatu:

1. Mohd Azis Jamman, Sepanggar, Sabah
2. Iskandar Dzulkarnain Abdul Khalid, Kuala Kangsar, Perak
3. Suhaili Abdul Rahman, Labuan
4. Zulkifli Ismail, Bukit Gantang, Perak
5. Norhilmi Mohd Fadli, Sik, Kedah
6. Syed Abu Hussin Hafiz, Bukit Gantang region (sometimes also listed as Bukit Gantang; verify)

Bersatu argued this constituted constructive defection and demanded their seats be vacated. The MPs argued they had not formally resigned and remained Bersatu members despite disagreeing with party direction.

Federal Court Rulings (2023-2024)

Multiple cases reached the Federal Court. Key rulings (summary; verify against verbatim judgments):

• Syed Saddiq v Government of Malaysia (related context): the courts have read Article 49A strictly, only formal resignation or formal cessation of membership triggers seat vacancy
• Bersatu v Six MPs cases: Federal Court ruled the MPs' declaration of support for unity government did NOT constitute resignation or cessation of membership; their seats remain
• Bersatu attempted internal party expulsion (which under (b) would also NOT cause seat loss because the law exempts expulsions); the structural logic favoured the MPs

Effective Outcome

• Bersatu's opposition voting bloc reduced from nominal 31 (GE15 wins) to effective ~25 in confidence and budget votes
• The six MPs typically vote with unity government on confidence and budget matters
• Bersatu has formally suspended their party membership privileges but cannot vacate their seats

Wider Anti-Hopping Cases Affecting Bersatu

• Hishammuddin Hussein, actually moved from UMNO back to Bersatu/PN orbit informally, but never formally changed party affiliation; remains UMNO MP; complex case
• Various PKR MPs (Azmin's 2020 defectors), these occurred BEFORE Article 49A was in force, so no seat vacation triggered
• Wan Ahmad Fayhsal (Bersatu MP Machang then to other party), verify status

Legal Critique

The Article 49A drafting has been criticised as too narrow: - Captures only formal acts (resignation, expulsion-for-cause) - Does not capture "constructive defection" through declared support - Creates incentive for MPs to remain technically in original party while voting against party line

Proposed amendments have been floated by both unity govt and PN at different times, but no consensus on tighter wording has emerged.

Hedge: Federal Court rulings on these matters have been multiple and nuanced; this section summarises pattern but specific judgments should be cited individually.

Bersatu has been one of the most defection-heavy parties in modern Malaysian history. This section catalogues major flows.

Into Bersatu

Out of Bersatu

Hishammuddin Hussein, Back to UMNO Question

A frequently-asked question: did Hishammuddin Hussein defect from UMNO to Bersatu? Answer: No, formally he never left UMNO. However, he was suspended by UMNO Supreme Council on 27 January 2023 for six years for his role backing Muhyiddin during the August 2021 transition negotiations. He has subsequently remained an UMNO MP for Sembrong but operates outside UMNO's parliamentary whip on many issues. He has been mentioned as a potential Bersatu/PN re-aligner but as of 2026 has not formally joined Bersatu. Some sources loosely describe him as "PN-aligned UMNO MP", this is informal status, not party membership.

Net Defection Math

If we treat the founding wave as the baseline: - Bersatu federal MPs at GE14 (May 2018): 13 - Plus ~10 PKR Sheraton defectors (Feb 2020): 23 - Plus selected UMNO crossovers and BN-orbit MPs (Mar 2020 peak): up to ~36 - Minus 5 expelled MPs (28 May 2020): ~31 - Minus losses at GE15: down to 25 elected - Minus 6 effective unity-govt declarers: ~19 voting opposition

The party in 2026 is substantially smaller in effective parliamentary strength than its 2020 peak, reflecting both the cost of factional purges and the failure to hold the Azmin faction.

Hedge: Defection counts vary by source and by definition (formal resignation vs declared support vs party suspension). Figures cited synthesise multiple reports.

Wan Saiful Wan Jan is the most ideologically distinctive figure in current Bersatu leadership, with a background quite different from the party's ex-UMNO Malay-statist mainstream.

Early Career and Education

• Educated in UK; degrees in political science / public policy
• Worked in UK think-tank and policy circles in the 2000s before returning to Malaysia

IDEAS Founding (~2010)

Wan Saiful was a co-founder and the founding CEO of the Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs (IDEAS), a Kuala Lumpur-based classical-liberal think tank. IDEAS positioned itself as Malaysia's leading market-economy and individual-liberty advocacy organisation, modelled loosely on UK's Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) and US Cato Institute.

IDEAS focus areas during Wan Saiful's tenure (~2010-2018): - Free-market economic reform; subsidy rationalisation - Anti-corruption institutional reform - Government transparency (Freedom of Information advocacy) - Liberal Islam scholarship (selective; controversial in some quarters) - Tunku Abdul Rahman intellectual heritage promotion

IDEAS produced policy papers, hosted lectures (including by international classical-liberal figures), and was generally well-regarded across the political spectrum for technical quality.

Bersih 2.0 Involvement

Bersih (Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections) is a Malaysian civil-society electoral-reform coalition founded 2006, chaired at various times by Ambiga Sreenevasan (2010-2013) and Maria Chin Abdullah (2013-2018).

Wan Saiful served as a Bersih 2.0 Steering Committee member during the rally era of 2011-2016. Major Bersih rallies: - Bersih 2.0 (9 July 2011): tens of thousands marched in KL; tear gas used; landmark event - Bersih 3.0 (28 April 2012): Dataran Merdeka attempted occupation; ~250,000 marched - Bersih 4.0 (29-30 August 2015): in midst of 1MDB scandal; ~500,000 marched over two days - Bersih 5.0 (19 November 2016): smaller; Red Shirt counter-protests led to violence at Padang Merbok

Wan Saiful's Bersih involvement gave him civil-society credibility distinct from the party-politician background of Bersatu's other senior figures.

Joining Bersatu (~2018-2019)

After IDEAS, Wan Saiful joined Bersatu in the period 2018-2019. The exact joining date is not always reported but he was active in party policy committees by 2019. Reportedly, Mahathir recruited him for his policy-credentials and Bersih-civil-society linkage, hoping to balance Bersatu's ex-UMNO heavy composition.

He was elected as MP for Tasek Gelugor, Penang at GE15 (19 November 2022), gaining the seat from incumbent. Tasek Gelugor is a Malay-majority mainland Penang seat traditionally UMNO; Wan Saiful's win was part of the PN wave.

Role in Bersatu (2022-2026)

• Information Chief (some periods), party spokesperson on policy
• Supreme Council member
• Policy committee involvement
• Frequently quoted in English-language media on Bersatu positions

Ideological Friction

Wan Saiful's classical-liberal economic instincts (lower subsidies, market-led growth, deregulation) sit uncomfortably with Bersatu's Bumiputera-statist majority who favour: - Continued Bumiputera quotas and preferences - Heavy state intervention in strategic sectors - Generous Covid-era cash transfers as model

Reports suggest Wan Saiful has been sidelined on major economic-policy briefings, Hamzah and Muhyiddin prefer keeping the Bumiputera-statist messaging core for the party's base. Wan Saiful occasionally pushes more reform-minded lines in interviews but does not openly contradict party position.

Bersih Critique of Bersatu

Civil-society contacts of Wan Saiful have at times publicly criticised Bersatu's record: - The Sheraton Move violated the GE14 mandate per Bersih analysis - Anti-hopping law implementation has been inconsistent - Bersatu has not advanced major Bersih-era reform demands (asset declaration, party funding transparency)

Wan Saiful has not publicly responded to these critiques in detail.

Succession Speculation

Wan Saiful has been periodically mentioned as a younger-generation Bersatu leader who could rise. However: - He holds no top-three party post as of 2026 - His Penang base is small for a national-leadership trajectory - His liberal-economy framing limits appeal in the Malay-belt base

He remains an important Bersatu voice but is more likely a sub-cabinet minister in a future PN government than a future party president.

Hedge: Specific dates of IDEAS founding (~2010), Wan Saiful's Bersih steering committee tenure, and his Bersatu joining date should be verified against IDEAS archives, Bersih archives, and Bersatu records. The synthesis above relies on publicly-reported summaries.

Parti Pejuang Tanah Air (Pejuang) is the political party founded by Mahathir Mohamad and his loyalists after their expulsion from Bersatu in May 2020. Although tangential to Bersatu's current activity, Pejuang's existence shapes Bersatu's ideological story and the broader Malay-nationalist political landscape.

Formation

• 28 May 2020: Mahathir, Mukhriz Mahathir, Maszlee Malik, Syed Saddiq, and Amiruddin Hamzah expelled from Bersatu
• 12 August 2020: Mahathir formally announces the launch of Parti Pejuang Tanah Air, ahead of the Slim state by-election (per Wikipedia)
• November 2020: Party constitution filed with Registrar of Societies (ROS)
• 8 July 2021: ROS approval granted after judicial review (per Wikipedia)

Leadership Structure

• Chairman: Mahathir Mohamad (until death 25 April 2024)
• President: Mukhriz Mahathir
• Deputy President: Amiruddin Hamzah (initially)
• Youth Chief: Syed Saddiq initially considered, but Syed Saddiq instead founded the separate MUDA party (Malaysian United Democratic Alliance)
• Information Chief: rotating

Ideology

Pejuang positions itself as the "true" Mahathirist successor: - More aggressively Bumiputera/Malay-nationalist than Bersatu - Anti-corruption posture grounded in 1MDB-era critique - Rejection of both UMNO and PAS as compromised - Pro-Bumiputera economic preferences with statist tilt - Personality-cult around Mahathir's legacy (post-2024, this is a complicated transition)

GE15 Performance (19 November 2022)

Pejuang contested as part of a small coalition called Gerakan Tanah Air (GTA) which included Pejuang, Berjasa (a small Islamic party), Putra (Parti Bumiputera Perkasa Malaysia), and IMAN.

GTA total: - Federal seats: 0 / 222 (zero wins) - Candidates fielded: approximately 120 across the country - Deposit losses: vast majority of candidates lost deposits (votes below the threshold) - Total vote share: ~2% of nationwide popular vote

Notable individual losses: - Mahathir Mohamad, contested Langkawi, Kedah; LOST to PAS's Mohd Suhaimi Abdullah. Mahathir's first electoral loss since entering politics in 1969, a stark end to his electoral career - Mukhriz Mahathir, contested Jerlun, Kedah; LOST - Maszlee Malik, contested seat; lost - Syed Saddiq, contested Muar but under MUDA banner, not Pejuang/GTA; won Muar in 4-corner fight

Post-GE15 Trajectory

• November 2022 - April 2024: Pejuang continues as a minor party; no parliamentary representation
• 25 April 2024: Mahathir dies at age 99, Pejuang loses its central figurehead
• 2024-2026: Mukhriz Mahathir attempts to keep Pejuang relevant; appears at occasional press conferences; party's political weight is effectively negligible
• Multiple reports of Pejuang members drifting to other parties (some back to UMNO grassroots, some to PKR/PH if anti-PAS, some politically inactive)

Relevance to Bersatu

Pejuang's existence: - Validates the Mahathir-Muhyiddin schism narrative as permanent - Provides a Malay-nationalist alternative to Bersatu, though one with no electoral viability - Has been periodically courted by both Bersatu (re-merger discussions) and unity-government parties (anti-PN bloc), Pejuang has remained independent - Mukhriz's long-term political future is uncertain; he was once considered a future Malay PM but post-GE15 his trajectory is much diminished

Hedge: Pejuang internal structure and specific 2024-2026 developments are not always extensively reported; relies on Bernama, Malaysiakini, and party press statements.